Alberta Education Minister’s “vision” not-yet developed

Listening to Alberta Minister of Education Jeff Johnson, one would think that he was a modern visionary in education. His vision, however, as he has himself acknowledged, is half-baked:  “There is a vision developing,” he’s been quoted to say in the context of changing Alberta’s school testing system.

Johnson’s yet-to-be-developped vision in education is driven by political calculation and considerations. On testing, it has little to do with education and rather serves a political agenda propelled by teachers’ unions and the NDP.  It is the politicization of education at its crudest level, angling for votes or avoiding the loss of them.

Alberta Education Minister Jeff Johnson flanked by Alison Redford and ATA leadership

Now, Alison Redford promised to get rid of all standardized testing while campaigning, but having lately burned her political capital at an alarming rate in so many different policy sectors, her government is left to tinker with the tests in light of strong opposition to scrapping them from Alberta parents.

Whatever the many reasons cited, ranging from an emotivist and misplaced desire to protect children from stress (Johnson’s only formal training is a BA in Psychology!) to the dubious argument promoting child creativity, the bottom line is that teacher unions hate testing because it makes teachers accountable. Standard tests measure levels of effectiveness of individual and group achievement, and allows for cross comparisons between schools, school boards and the jurisdictional lines between private, public and confessional schools and the rest, and between and among provinces. Such comparisons provide accountability.

But wherever there is strong resistance from parents to see the tests scrapped, teacher unions are resorting to tinkering with the tests (modernizing them, they say) to impair the comparability of test results across jurisdictions.  n short, they want to undermine accountability.

Once widely and warmly expected to become BC’s next premier, NDP leader Adrian Dix had promised to replace standard testing with random tests within a year of his imagined victory, a measure that Alison Redford had also contemplated earlier along with NDP officials in Manitoba. Such promises have been made to obtain the political support of teacher unions during elections.

Removing comparability will prevent independent organizations and think tanks such as the Fraser Institute, the Atlantic Institute for Market Studies and the Frontier Centre for Public Policy to continue to provide the public with meaningful evaluations of school performance. What Johnson sees in his half-concocted vision as the “modernization” of testing is little more than the promotion of a political agenda serving a narrow labour sector who find testing makes things stressful for them. The learn-as-you-go experiment is a leap backward risks making a political marionette of the minister.

The minister’s policy vision is clearly in dire need of more sound development.  In fairness, there is nothing inherently wrong with a person realising that his plans are not fully formed. However, given that the minister’s actions and decisions have great impact on Alberta’s children, the minister may want to refrain from sweeping policy changes until such time as his vision is fully developed.

Alberta children deserve no less than comprehensive foresight in education policy.

Posted in Alberta, Education, Labour, Regulation | Tagged , , , | Leave a comment

The right parking system may soon be coming to Calgary

Calgary City Council may be close to adopting an idea that would make parking in Downtown Calgary somewhat easier, reduce parking prices, improve traffic, and reduce tail pipe emissions.

Nearly two years ago, Frontier published a backgrounder entitled The price is right: The benefits of accurate pricing and smart technologies.  The paper focused on pricing for parking spaces and the ways in which market strategies and devises such as smart phones can make parking in urban areas easier for Canadians.

The backgrounder’s author Stuart Donovan showcased the idea of supply and demand for parking spaces (accurate pricing), which has been used in San Francisco.

Accurate pricing will mean that the price of parking varies between different parts of the city and at different times of the day. This encourages the demand for parking to spread out—in much the same way that cheap airfares encourage price sensitive passengers to fly at off peak times. Accurate pricing sets the price of parking as low as possible, while ensuring that some spots are always available for those drivers that really need it.

Yesterday, it was announced that a committee of Calgary’s City Council is looking into the notion of introducing a variant of a market pricing system to Calgary’s Downtown parking.

Unfortunately some are focusing on the wrong question. A CBC report headlined the news by drawing attention to a price increase, which is surely misleading considering that the base price will go down, and that some parking spots will become more expensive while some will also become cheaper.

Sadly, Alderman Andre Chabot also seems to have missed the point, trying to instil fear that there will will be no limit to how much a parking spot can cost, displaying a  lack of understanding of fundamental economic principles. One can say the same thing about a loaf of bread or a pound of tomatoes.  But even though there is no legal limit to how much a merchant can charge for a pound of tomatoes (all without the benevolent intervention of protectors like Mr. Chabot), market forces of supply and demand push prices toward where they need to be for producers and merchants to profit and people can afford.  It’s no different with parking spots. There is no good reason for parking pricing not to be linked to demand.

The point, as Donovan mentioned in his Frontier Centre study, is to spread the demand for parking rather than concentrate it and to charge less at non-peak hours to give people the incentive to do their business in town during that time, for example.  Spreading the demand spreads the pricing too.  While theoretically, the price of high-demand parking spots can go quite high it will eventually settle as more people seek to use less expensive ones a little bit further away from where they want to park.

Global got the point: “The system would reward drivers for parking in low-use areas, and encourage short-term parking in higher-use spots.”

The pricing mechanism reduces over all prices and makes parking spots more easily available.  It also has a tendency to reduce the round and round chase for parking spots, which in turn reduces tail pipe emissions.  Longterm, it may even improve the quality of the air in the down-town area.

The Frontier Centre commends the Council’s committee for discussing such bold and innovative initiative, and hopes that the Council adopts it and eventually finds a way to integrate the technology embedded in smart phones to perfect the parking market-driven system.

To see how smart phones will further improve the equation, please read the full report here (pdf). See also “Ending a century of parking problems.”

Posted in Alberta, Calgary, Environment, Local Government, Regulation, Technology, Transport | Tagged , | Leave a comment

European Fuel Poverty Coming to Manitoba?

If the provincial government’s expansionary plans for Manitoba Hydro are realized, the cost to poorer Manitobans may be measured by more than massively increased electricity bills, but also in deteriorated health and shorter lifespans.

Taking into account Manitoba Hydro’s basic monthly charge on residential customers, wherever they live or have a cottage, the charge for consuming a kilowatt hour of electricity works out to be about 7 cents. And, as to the rate applied to your monthly consumption, It doesn’t matter if your monthly consumption is 1000 kilowatt hours a month or 2000; it doesn’t matter when you use the power; nor does it matter what you use electricity for (lighting, computers, big screen televisions or heat).

The Utility’s sole ‘shareholder’, the Selinger NDP government, cloths itself in the robes of an environmentalist, worrying about climate change and eschewing  so-called ‘dirty’ power (anything other than hydro or wind generated electricity). At the same time, the government and its subject utility show little interest in steps taken by other electric utilities, both privately and publicly owned, to ‘move’ electricity consumption from the peak daytime hours (when demand and wholesale export and import prices are highest) to the evening and over-night hours (when demand and wholesale prices are lowest).

As well, neither the government nor Manitoba Hydro show much concern about the volume of consumption by any and all users, industrial or residential. While electric utilities in other jurisdictions charge more for higher levels of consumption, Manitoba Hydro doesn’t.  As well, the Utility makes no effort to ‘steer’ new residential housing towards employing natural gas for heating rather than electricity, even though natural gas heating is not only cheaper for the homeowner, but can reduce and defer the need for new high-cost dams and transmission.

In this Province’s laissez faire demand-friendly ‘environment’, what are the implications for ratepayers if the government’s reckless pursuit of new dams and Bipole III is consummated, and the cost of power to residential customers reaches or exceeds 20 cents per kilowatt hour?

The average monthly residential electricity bill for a home heated by natural gas would increase from, say, $80 to $240, while an average house employing electricity for heating would note an increase in its average monthly electricity bill from, say, $160 to $480. And, as these forecasted bills represent the average, imagine the bill for a poorly insulated house heated by electricity in the winter.  And, these higher numbers neither include provincial sales tax nor the City of Winnipeg’s 2.5 percent levy.

Imagine the impact of such bill increases on the spending power of average households? How about the impact on the residents of poorly insulated houses? What about the impact on lower income households?  Will it be food or heat, food or proper winter clothing?

Presently, roughly 30 percent of Manitoba households are considered to be lower income, what will the percentage of lower income households be if and when the average monthly electricity bill (for homes heated by electricity) closes in on $500?

Publius

Publius

Other jurisdictions, such as the United Kingdom, with high household electricity and energy bills, have noted significant reports of illness, hospitalization and even death among the elderly and poor, as they ‘turn down their thermostats’ in an effort to hold down their electricity bills. The policy has produced 30,000 extra deaths per year according to Dr. Penny Peiser, Director of the U.K. based think tank The Global Policy Warming Foundation, recently interviewed by the Frontier Centre. High electricity bills may well hurt more than the pocketbooks of households, what about health care costs if the elderly and poor get sick in a futile effort to deal with high energy bills?

Is this to be the future that awaits Manitoba if the government’s Hydro expansion plans are realized? It most certainly is a possible future!

Currently, segments of Manitoba’s large industrial ratepayers express concern over bills based on rates that have been in the range of 3.5 – 4 cents per kilowatt hour. What will the firms’ view be when the average rate for these consumers of large amounts of electricity moves beyond 10 cents? Will they stay, will they expand, will new industry come? Could a slow growth economy that hasn’t seen a new industry in twenty years slow further?

(Looking into the future, while householders and business would moan over the cost of electricity, back on Broadway the money will roll in for the provincial government. The government’s coffers would swell through levies made on Manitoba Hydro – annual capital taxes, debt guarantee fees, water rental levies and provincial sales taxes could well bring in $1 billion, an amount to exceed the annual take from gambling and liquor combined. Where will the largesse be spent?

All ratepayers should stand back and think about the risk of their bills soaring, and how they will deal with it, before silently absorbing and accepting the government’s pro-expansion rhetoric.

Publius closes by reminding Hydro ratepayers, and the Manitoba electorate, that Hydro’s approach to recording expenses will delay the full cost of the gamble the government has Hydro taking being fully reflected in rates until at least two provincial elections have occurred.   By then, the die will have long been cast.

Posted in Climate Change, Energy, Environment, Manitoba, Poverty, Role of Government | Tagged , , | Leave a comment

Ontario endangered species campaign ignores bias in laws

In a recent column, environmentalist David Suzuki is attacking what he calls the weakening of Ontario’s Endangered Species Act.

Suzuki decries a series of exemptions for certain industries from the Act’s provisions.

Other environmentalist organizations are also joining in this campaign.

However, what Suzuki and others are ignoring is how slanted endangered species laws across Canada are against individual property rights owners.

For example, in our inaugural Canadian Property Rights Index it was revealed how provinces and territories that actually provide compensation to land owners in case of species designation are in the definite minority.

Moreover, requirements to notify a landowner of the presence of an endangered species on their property are also quite rare across Canada.

Before environmentalists go on the offensive over these proposed changes, they should ensure that existing laws are balanced and protect existing land owners. Land owners are much more amenable to working with governments to protect species at risk if their interests are protected.

Posted in Environment, Property Rights | Leave a comment

Muzzling Those in the Know

May 2013 has not been a good month for Manitoba’s Selinger government.

Publius

Publius

Among the negative events:

Federal April workforce statistics disclosed a drop in Manitoba employment of 11,000, basically cancelling out prior gains over the last twelve month period. Worse still, public sector employment has increased, the losses in jobs have occurred in the private sector. Reports have also noted that Manitoba’s unemployment rate has jumped; and wage growth has remained slow, along with retail sales.

A July 1 increase in the provincial sales tax is likely not to help future retail sales, employment or wage growth. Manitoba’s PST rate is to be 8%, while Saskatchewan’s remains at 5%; the southern border is only an hour and a half from Winnipeg and, thanks to federal changes, the duty-free exemption is now much higher than it has been.

Adding to the Province’s woes, the Province’s inflation rate was reported to be, for the second month in a row, the highest in Canada (with the reason largely increases in government fees and taxes).  So much for low-cost Manitoba.

More ‘bad news’ followed, with Facebook deciding not to put its server farm in Manitoba, despite so-called ‘cheap electricity’; spot electricity export prices remains mired well below the cost of production, while domestic rates catapult upwards; and, a survey of national health care indicators put Manitoba at the bottom (the Province’s system rated, ”D”), despite almost 40% of the government’s bloated annual expenditures being taken up by health.

Despite constant indications and reminders that a province with an state-directed economy, one over-burdened by out-of-control government expenditures, is not likely to be a stellar economic performer, the provincial government continued its quest to extend its hegemony. It is determined to  drive the Manitoba Jockey Club, the saviours of horseracing in Manitoba, out of Assiniboine Downs.

Despite its plans to add 500 VLTs to its already massive stable of automated gambling machines – so much for concern for lower-income households and gambling addicts, the government introduced Bill 43.  If passed and proclaimed,  the Bill will allow the government to remove the Jockey Club’s Assiniboine Downs VLTs, thus ‘starving’ the Club of longstanding  and needed revenue .

It is not that the Province plans to cut back on ‘gambling, by reducing its fleet of VLTs, and has found that the VLTs of Assiniboine Downs are unhelpful to the Jockey Club and are, thus, superfluous. The government has already announced its intention to further assist the owners of the Winnipeg Jets and Manitoba’s hotels by adding, in total, 500 VLTs to their locations.

The only ‘loser’ (other than gamblers) arising out of the government’s plan for an expanded ‘fleet’ of video lottery terminals, is the Jockey Club, with the reason for the government’s plans being its naked desire to have the Downs operated by the Red River Exhibition’s board, presumably a more controllable group than the independent-minded Jockey Club.

Contradicting Selinger’s initial pledge (upon his elevation to Premier) to operate a transparent and open  government, Bill 43 would ban lawsuits against anyone having a role in the stripping of VLTs from the Jockey Club. Bill 43 would also, and retroactively, prohibit the Jockey Club (or anyone else) seeking out information about the government’s move against the Jockey Club from obtaining evidence from those ‘in the know’ with respect to the government’s clearly punitive action against the Jockey Club.

When what you are doing is clearly wrong, and you know it but want to move ahead anyways, best to muzzle anyone that can make your actions and reasons known. At least, create doubt as to your reasons, allowing your supporters to imagine you might be acting properly. Rather than bringing ‘light’ to the government’s plans and actions, the Selinger government prefers to keep the public ‘in the dark”.

May 2013 has not been a good month for the Selinger  government, nor for democracy and freedom.

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Freedom from Indian Act has benefits

Call it a Tale of Two First Nations.

One is located on the western shore of James Bay and the other is located on the eastern side.

Terry Milewski, a CBC reporter, recently summarized the difference between the Quebec Crees on the eastern Quebec side and the community of Attawapiskat, located on the west side.

The Quebec Crees, however, have negotiated a modern land claims agreement that freed them from the Indian Act and most Aboriginal Affairs oversight.

They were also able to negotiate resource revenue sharing through their agreements.

Matthew Coon Come, now the Grand Chief of the Cree of Eeyou Istchee (the Quebec Cree territory), admits that it takes time to build self-governing institutions.

Meanwhile, of course, Attawapiskat is mired in poverty, housing shortages and other social issues.

The Frontier Centre released a study in 2010 documenting similarly how the Nisga’a self-government treaty has impacted governance and services in that remote B.C. community, often in a positive direction.

The study found in similar fashion that freedom from the Indian Act has its benefits. Removing the “Indian” from the Indian Act does not immediately remove the Indian Act from the “Indian.”

In our study, the Nisga’a were compared to a control group of Tsimshian First Nations, a nearby tribe. Thse Tsimshian were chosen because they are closely related linguistically, culturally, and economically to the Nisga’a.

Both the two First Nations on either side of the James Bay and both communities in remote northwestern B.C. show that freedom from the Indian Act makes a difference.

 

 

Posted in Aboriginal, Poverty | Leave a comment

Toronto’s Successful Garbage Privatization

When Toronto privatized garbage collection west of Yonge street last year, ideologues on the left panicked. They argued that it would lead to worse service, pointing to initial collection delays when private collection began. A local union even created a complaint line.

As I argued in a National Post article on the subject, this highlights all that is right with contracting out services: it’s much easier to hold private companies accountable than government.

Nine months later, the private contractor generates fewer complaints than municipal collectors, who continue to provide service in much of the city. Additionally, the outsourcing is expected to save the city $11 million annually.

Sometimes governments can get more for less, if they’re willing to embrace markets.

Posted in Local Government | Leave a comment

Naming – ‘bread and circuses’

Naming is important, without putting a name on someone or something (animal, plant, place, event, issue), identification and categorization (as important or not so important) can be difficult.

Recently Manitoba’s hyperactive provincial government, apparently judging the matter to be important, has taken the time to seek out the help of the general populace to put names to Manitoba’s most important tree and fish.

While a province-wide pursuit to identify, recognize and name a tree and a fish is clearly judged to be important by Premier Selinger and his jolly band of helpers and supporters, not so much for Publius.

While Publius has nothing but admiration for trees and fish, surviving as they have as species for untold centuries in an environment marked by too long and cold winters (humans can escape), Publius suggests, perhaps naively, that the Premier and his cabinet prioritize the issues before them, and leave the name of trees and fish to the botanists and naturalists among us, and concentrate on addressing Manitoban’s evident economic distress.

Recently, the signs of economic malaise have increased.

For some time, the government’s inability to control its costs has been known. (Despite a torrent of federal money coming to the Province since 1999, it has spent it all and more.) The government’s inability to ‘control itself’ has resulted in not only deficits and borrowings, but, in desperation, it moving to increase the provincial sales tax. Shockingly, even with the increase in the sales tax rate, the government still projects future deficits and more borrowing.

Publius

Publius

On top of that bad news, and most recently, a report that the Province’s employed workforce fell in April by 11,000, while Canada overall gained jobs – the survey also noted that, Canada-wide, public service jobs increased while private sector employment fell.

What is needed, now, is not a plebiscite on naming a tree, or another one on naming a fish, but a plebiscite on the government’s plans (breaking a 2011 election promise and violating existing  legislation) to increase the sales tax.  If government ‘trusts’ the public to pick the right tree and fish, surely it should leave it to the public to judge whether government restraint or more taxes are needed. (Californian voters, given the choice, picked higher taxes over cutbacks in a relatively recent referendum.)

Unfortunately, the main ‘plebiscite’, on the continuation of the government, is still some time off. In the interim, and unfortunately, despite evident economic woes, the government chooses ’bread and circuses’ – and calls a vote on trees and fish.

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Re-thinking Indian status?

The federal government is concerned about the flood of applications they have received for Newfoundland Mi’kmaq status.

In the fall of 2011, Aboriginal Affairs granted official Indian Act status to the group after denying Aboriginal title in Newfoundland since its entry into Confederation.

The government has received an unanticipated 100,000 application, more than one-fifth of Newfoundland’s total population, according to media accounts.

Some claim much of the claims are embellished. Liz LaSaga, a leader of the Qalipu First Nation, said that some of the claimants were merely seeking the benefits that come with Indian status.

This would involve access to extended health benefits and aid for education.

Some could argue that minimizing what benefits one could receive from this status would limit the incentives to make an embellished claim.

Some analysts have observed that the number of Metis applicants has risen dramatically over the years due to some who merely seek some benefits. The recent court decision affirming that Metis and non-Status Indians should be recognized as “Indians” as part of S. 91 (24) of the Constitution may also increase membership applications.

However, the membership criteria itself seems quite wide. Those applying only needed to provide some evidence of Aboriginal ancestry. Applicants did not need to live in Newfoundland and only needed to assure the enrolment committee that aboriginal heritage was “more likely than unlikely.”

Of course, there just may be many members who have never claimed their heritage for whatever reason.

The preferred policy option for government is to limit the definition to the most legitimate claims and prevent those who would embellish or falsify a claim from ever doing so.

That will keep down costs and ensure the status actually means something.

Posted in Aboriginal, Unsorted | Comments Off

Some context on Alberta’s post-secondary cuts

I think Barry Cooper is correct in saying that Alberta’s minister of advanced education is mostly clueless about the goal of universities.  I myself am on record against the minister’s desire to establish dominion over our universities in Alberta, but I am not (and neither is Professor Cooper) against universities keeping their fiscal house in order.

Alberta Deputy Premier and Minister of Enterprise and Advanced Education.

Alberta Deputy Premier and Minister of Enterprise and Advanced Education.

In this post, Alex Husher provides an eye-opening analysis of university finances in Alberta. He places the 7% cuts in context with salaries and university expenses compared to other provinces. It is well worth reading. Here is a little nugget from the post:

Salaries and benefits make-up about 50% of all spending, and dumping salary quickly is damn near impossible; it’s even harder if you’ve just negotiated a contract with staff, guaranteeing raises of 2-3% over the next four years.  If you can’t touch that, then a 7% cut quickly becomes a 14% cut in non-salary areas.  That’s pretty brutal, even if you are starting from a very high base.

Considering that universities are overburdened with administrators, cutting administration  jobs and their typically-bloated salaries might help. The trouble is that administrators make decisions about hiring and cuts, and they tend not to want to hurt their own.

Alberta universities spend almost double per full time student than Ontario universities do. It would be good to compare how much more top-heavy our universities in Alberta are in relation to Ontario’s and other provinces’. Sadly, not many universities provide such data.

Note: The comments on Husher’s post are also quite interesting.  Image here is courtesy of Troy Media.

Posted in Alberta, Education, Labour, Public Enterprise, Role of Government | Tagged | Comments Off

Harbingers of Distress

Publius

Publius

Gradually, bit by bit, as time went on Manitoba’s economy became dominated by the NDP provincial government, with the ’bottom’ yet to be plumbed and reached.

While our neighbouring provinces to the west seek and have thriving private sectors driving their economies and their hopes, holding or bringing down tax rates and allowing for seemingly ever-increasing personal disposable incomes, Manitoba (a century ago the home of the most millionaires in Canada, with Winnipeg the northern Chicago) is state-dominated, lagging further and further behind.

Rather than opening up our economy and joining with Saskatchewan, Alberta and British Columbia in their ‘no border’ entrepreneurial approach to inter-provincial trade in goods and services, Manitoba turns ever inward, relying more and more each year on government action and spending, which is reliant on increasing government debt (and deficits). We no longer strive to be at the forefront of Canada’s economy, but to fall in the ‘middle’, even that is only achieved, when it is, by borrowing more and more, leaving the financial debacle that lies ahead to the next generation (or generations).

We should have seen it coming, but the signs of insidious and steady decline are, as the late French philosopher and social theorist and historian Michel Foucault’s works suggest, usually best found in the day-to-day reports of a society.

The May 8th edition of the Winnipeg Free Press contains a trio of relatively small items that reinforce a sense of apprehended distress.

The first is the photo spread devoted to Riverview Health Centre’s (the Centre funded and controlled by the government) fundraising gala; a half-page devoted to the gala  lists the sponsors, which include Manitoba Hydro (the title sponsor), Manitoba Liquor and Lotteries (the wine sponsor) and government or government-contracted All Seniors Care, Hobbs & Associates (Hydro’s First Nation agent in the north), KPMG (auditor and consultant to Manitoba’s Crown Corporations, including Hydro), Manitoba Blue Cross (the insurance carrier of choice of the public sector), Manitoba Public Insurance, the Winnipeg Convention Centre and the Winnipeg Regional Health Authority as Table Sponsors. The listing is enough to make the point.

The second item reports on the government’s plans to attach demerits to distracted-driver traffic infractions, a valid move long overdue, but one that would generally be brought forward by an insurer not a government. But, when the auto insurer has a monopoly and its boss the government, it should come as no surprise that government makes and announces the real decisions.

The third item is a welcome editorial denunciation of the actions of Finance Minister Stan Struthers, who has, on behalf of his government, employed the heavy ‘weight and power’ of government (and its captive Crown, Manitoba Liquor and Lotteries) for the ignoble goal of bankrupting the Manitoba Jockey Club, a not for profit body that has saved horseracing in Manitoba , so the government’s champion, the public sector Red River Exhibition Association, can take over.

Who will ‘turn out the lights’ as our young, the professionals and the wealthy flee for ’sunnier’ climes? And, who can blame them!

Posted in Manitoba, Role of Government, Taxation, Unsorted | 1 Comment

Fuel Economy Gauges Nudge Drivers Towards Better Fuel Economy

Fuel efficiency is a major selling point for many car buyers, but it can be misleading. Fuel consumption varies widely based on how one drives. While average fuel consumption statistics are helpful information, it’s easy to forget that last point.

Most automakers have adopted fuel economy gauges as standard equipment. Roughly 92 percent of 2011 vehicles were equipped with these meters, which allow drivers to view fluctuations of fuel use in real time (the meters are imperfect, but still give drivers a good sense of how much fuel they are using). Given that it is easy to get worse fuel economy with a car that has an impressive fuel economy rating than one with a middling rating if the driver is driving erratically, instant driver feedback likely has more room to improve actual fuel economy than mandating better average fuel economy ratings.

On a recent drive from Winnipeg to Minneapolis I used an average of 8.2 liters per 100km. I found myself driving much slower and much steadier than I typically would have on the highway pre-fuel efficiency gauge. I know full well that driving fast and aggressively burns more gas, yet the simple nudge of quantifying this information for me instantly affected my behaviour. The consumption would have been even better, had I not rushed for the last 100 miles or so (I was at or above 9 liters/km for that stretch). I was hovering around 6 liters per 100km when I wasn’t in a rush (the manufacturer lists it as 5.7 liters/km during highway driving). This was in a 2012 Corolla CE, which is considered an “intermediate” size car. Contrast this with my experience travelling between the two cities in a Prius, which used 5.6 liters/km when on cruise control, but 7.5 when driving less cautiously.

Bottom line: what you’re driving is often as important as how you’re driving it. Giving consumers information — which manufacturers are doing — is a zero cost alternative to imposing increased costs on manufacturers. The more acutely aware drivers are of how much fuel they are using, the more they’ll demand economical cars and attempt to maximize fuel economy when driving.

 

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